Intensified Japanese Aggression

Japanese aggression in Korea was "a matter of life or death," as was earlier expressed by Hayashi Tadashi, an one-time Japanese minister to London. As Japanese aggression intensified, the Min clique collaborated with Russian Minister Karl Waeber to force Kim Hongjip to reorganize his cabinet, and pro-Russian figures such as Yi Beomjin were given cabinet posts.

The government, reorganizing the military structure in April 1895, hired Japanese officers as instructors. They trained about 800 Korean officers and men who were then assigned to the royal palace as guards under training. It was under these circumstances of questionable palace security that militant Japanese Minister Miura Goro and other Japanese decided to assassinate Queen Min, the leading figure in the Min clique, as she was again making secret overtures to China and Russia. Taking advantage of the trainee-guards and those who opposed the Min family, Japanese troops, crushing resistance put up by the royal bodyguards, intruded into Gyeongbokgung Palace at dawn on October 8.

Storming into the Okhoru pavilion, the Japanese found to kill Queen Min, and burned her body with kerosene. The foreign missions were outraged by this atrocity. The Japanese government hurriedly repatriated those who had taken part in the action and detained them briefly at Hiroshima Prison as a subterfuge. Their trial, to borrow the words of a Japanese historian Yamabe Kentaro, was "a deliberate miscarriage of justice, designed to protect the culprits."

Despite the Japanese brutality, the European powers, in their apprehension over Russia's southward expansion, welcomed the overt Japanese aggression as a counter to the Russian threat. Germany saw the continued presence of the Japanese army as indispensable, while other powers maintained that a demand for its withdrawal would only produce more trouble. Great Britain believed the entrustment of Korea to Japan was a proper measure to check the Russian advance. The American government instructed its minister not to make any statement unfavorable to Japan.

Informed of the assassination of Queen Min by a mob of Japanese intruders, the nation was gripped with indignation. Confucian scholars mobilized volunteers to fight against the Japanese. The Kim Hongjip cabinet, spurred greatly by the incident, expedited reform. It adopted the solar calendar, established primary schools in Hanyang, introduced smallpox vaccinations, started modern postal service, and reorganized the military system, with the Royal Army Guards stationed in Hanyang and other detachments in the provinces. During this reform, the Japanese forced the cabinet to issue a decree banning topknots. Citizens wearing topknots were arrested on the streets or at their homes, and were forced to cut them off. Choe Ikhyeon defying the decree, was arrested and imprisoned, but he did not yield. With these attempts, the Japanese tried to wipe out Korean heritage, only to stimulate the armed resistance of the Korean volunteer "righteous armies."

Spontaneous "righteous troops" protesting the ban on topknots spread all over the country. The Royal Guards of Hanyang were dispatched to suppress them. The resultant weakening of palace security was seen by Russia as an opportunity to extend its influence. From a Russian warship lying at anchor off Incheon, 100 sailors were summoned, ostensibly to protect the Russian legation. Shortly afterward, they were reinforced by an additional contingent of 120 sailors. Ex-minister Waeber, remaining in Seoul, plotted to persuade King Gojong to take refugee at the Russian legation. Home Minister Yu Giljun, meanwhile, conferred with Japanese Minister Komura Jutaro concerning countermeasures that might be taken against Russia. At dawn on February 11, 1896, King Gojong and the Crown Prince went to the Russian legation to escape the Japanese menace, and were protected by guards provided by other legations as well. Japanese Minister Komura called on Russian Minister Speyer at the Russian legation and requested that the King return to the royal palace, but King Gojong refused, knowing that he had chosen the lesser of two evils.

At the same time the Korean government, following a proposal made by the Russian minister, appointed Russians as consultants for military training and financial administration. In May, a Korean delegation led by Min Yeonghwan and Yun Chiho concluded a treaty in Russia with Foreign Minister Lobanoff, agreeing to the following: Russia would protect the Korean monarch and, if necessary, would send additional troops to Korea; the consultants in question would be subject to the guidance of the Russian minister; the two governments would enter into a loan agreement when deemed necessary in view of Korea's economic conditions; and the Russian government would be authorized to connect its telegraph lines with the Korean telegraph network. With the Korean King in custody, Russia lost no time in implementing the aggressive provisions of the treaty.

During the King's stay at the Russian legation, Korea's foreign relations were aimed at protecting the royal family from the atmosphere of terror created in the royal palace by Japanese violence. This overriding concern was conducive to reliance on Russia despite its aggressive policy.

The United States, Great Britain, France, Germany and Japan competed for concessions. From its Russian refugee, the Korean government granted unconditional concessions without the usual stipulations as to the terms of lease or conditions of taxes. Korea was deprived of its properties by the world powers through such concessions.